| ultimate political aims in Yugoslavia15. Nevertheless, J. B. Tito always emphasised that the CPY in its struggle for power in Yugoslavia would get support only from Moscow16. In order to encourage partisan units after their failure with Nazi troops, Tito continued to believe that he would gain a quick victory by the Soviet Union against the Germans. This influenced Tito to rearrange the organisational structure of the Yugoslav Communists and partisan units according to the Soviet model. Partisan units were shaped according to Soviet norms with Soviet symbols and a political-commissar structure. In liberated territory (the Užice Republic in Western Serbia) the People’s Liberated Councils were formed on the model of the soviets in the USSR17. Specific features of the war of liberation and the reintegration of Yugoslavia include the fact that the territories liberated by Tito’s partisans became established as the communities of a nation at war, which had no direct links with the previous local authorities in the old system of government that had collapsed. The CPY as one of the mobilizing and organising forces for the uprising and war of liberation, adopted the principle of the soviets in order to elaborate a strategy for the emancipation and reintegration of Yugoslavia in the course of its liberation. In many parts of Yugoslavia (Montenegro, Slovenia, Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina) the local committees of national liberation (or national liberation and revolutionary councils) were created on the liberated territories to perform government functions. But, all of them were organised and functioned according to the Soviet model. Consequently, on November 16th, 1941 the Supreme National Liberation Committee of Serbia was set up on liberated territory of the Užice Republic. Likewise on February 1942 the National Liberation Committee of Montenegro was formed on liberated territory of Montenegro. Furthermore, the creation of a military unit called “The First Proletarian Brigade” was formed on Stalin’s birthday (December 21st) in the Bosnian village of Rudo in 1941. Such actions by Tito were criticised by the Comintern which, orchestrated by the Soviet Union, tried to stop Tito’s “socialist revolution” at that moment, since the Soviet government attempted to keep positive diplomatic relations with its western allies. This caused distant relations between the USSR and the CPY for the latter’s achievement in “the socialist revolution” in Yugoslavia. The Comintern took all responsibilities to detach Tito’s actions from Soviet policy in order not to deteriorate the British and American relations with the Soviet Union. This Comintern position was dispel to disband the suspicions of Great Britain and the USA about the partisans’ socialist revolution and its communist character in Yugoslavia.
Relationships between the Soviet government and the Yugoslav Royal government-in-exile in London, which in the eyes of the allies represented the legal government of Yugoslavia, became seriously complicated in the summer of 1942. The reason for this was the question of the četnik movement in Yugoslavia, led by General Dragoljub Draža Mihailovič and officially supported by the Yugoslav government-in-exile. On August 1st, 1942 the Soviet government published the Resolution, which was mistakenly represented as written by the
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15 Dj. Vujović. O lijevim greškama KPJ u Crnoj Gori u prvoj godini Narodnooslobodilačkog rata // Istorijski zapisi. Titograd, 1967. S. 79; B. Petranović. Srbija u drugom svetskom ratu 1939–1945. Beograd, 1992. S. 319–328.
16 J. B. Tito. Sabrana djela. Beograd, 1979. T. VIII, s. 35.
17 Zbornik dokumenata i podataka o Narodnooslobodilačkom ratu naroda Jugoslavije. Vojno-istorijski institut jugoslovenske armije. Beograd, 1950. T. I/20. |
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